From Fikra Forum:
Syria’s popular uprising has proven to everyone inside and outside of the Middle East that a people’s yearning for freedom and self-determination cannot be compromised by any means. Despite the atrocities perpetrated by a regime that masters nothing but killing, the people of Syria have, to a large extent, preserved a reasonable set of demands that are actually legitimizing its year-long revolt.
The revolution has brought many concerns to the table; matters that used to be sensitive within the Syrian regime and society alike. One of the most serious challenges is the issue of minorities in Syria. Many have wondered where Syria’s minority groups are positioned in the uprisings. The answer is as simple as understanding the nature of each of these minority groups.
The Kurds, who make up around 13% of the total population in Syria, have been marginalized for decades. Throughout and even prior to the Baath era, the Kurdish population has been the most oppressed by the government. Their language is banned and any call for improved cultural or political rights is regarded as a red line. While their participation in current demonstrations has not received much recognition, no one can deny that they have been on the ground since the beginning of protests one year ago.
Despite Kurdish involvement, there is a fear among Kurds that the Sunni Arab majority has blocked the way for any serious Kurdish involvement in the form of political representation. The Syrian National Council (SNC) has never attempted to approach the Kurds, Rather than considering Kurdish demands as a legitimate nationality issue, the SNC views Kurdish plans suspiciously. The Kurds have made clear their preconditions for a post-Assad era: decentralization, secularism, and a constitutional recognition of the Kurds as a people living in Syria’s historic land. Once these conditions are accepted and ensured, the Kurds would undoubtedly thrust their weight into the street.
Not dissimilar to the Kurds, Christians occupy a significant percentage among Syria’s inhabitants. Christians were pioneers of the Syrian Renaissance, particularly after the Ottoman Era and preceding Baath rule. Many instances can be cited here of scholars who made a lasting impact by changing the political and social face of Syria, such as the influence of Faris Khouri and Francis Marash.
Since the Baath party came to power in 1963, Syrian Christians have been accused of a “blind obedience” to governments; particularly during the era of Hafez al-Assad and his sons. In fact, Christians enjoyed—and continue to enjoy—a margin of freedom within their communities. They are, to some degree, free to practice their religious rituals, and Armenians are permitted to teach their language in private schools. Though many accuse the Syrian regime of using the Christian minority to demonstrate its religious tolerance to the West, the Christian population has not been in full conformity with the regime. Assyrians have in fact suffered discrimination.
According to some Christian dissidents, a number of Christian communities were threatened by Syrian security forces with destruction if they took part in the current uprising. The regime in Damascus has always shown an iron fist in dealing with such issues. With the brutal killings we are witnessing every day, such threats are no longer a surprise.
The church is another factor in preventing Christians from getting involved with their fellow countrymen. Again, the regime is portrayed by the church as the only protection for Christians in the face of the “Islamist threat.” This claim, however, discredits what is truly happening on the ground. Despite these warnings from the church and within the community, some Christian neighborhoods in Damascus and Homs have shown full support of the revolution and have joined in protests.
Lastly, the Alawite minority, Bashar al-Assad’s own denomination, must be addressed. It is vital to embrace the Alawites and refute the rumors being circulated concerning their involvement on either side of the protests. Once the Sunni majority approaches them with a more moderate discourse, assuring them that they will not be eliminated or marginalized if Assad is toppled, they will certainly support the popular movement.
While U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have occasionally mentioned the importance of Syria’s minorities, the West must further emphasize the importance of full minority rights in the post-Assad era. The United States should take up the initiative in establishing a bridge between these minorities themselves, as well as between the minorities and the majority.
Assad will not be able to achieve his plan of fabricating an internal strife. An all-inclusive national entity invalidates the Syrian regime’s endless conspiracies. Only a real democracy can grant stability to Syrian minorities, and U.S. decision-makers must seriously take into account that satisfying minority groups within Syria will help bring stability to the whole restive Middle East.
Sirwan Kajjo is a freelance journalist and human rights activist based in Washington, DC. He moved from his home in Syria after being granted asylum in 2008.
The revolution has brought many concerns to the table; matters that used to be sensitive within the Syrian regime and society alike. One of the most serious challenges is the issue of minorities in Syria. Many have wondered where Syria’s minority groups are positioned in the uprisings. The answer is as simple as understanding the nature of each of these minority groups.
The Kurds, who make up around 13% of the total population in Syria, have been marginalized for decades. Throughout and even prior to the Baath era, the Kurdish population has been the most oppressed by the government. Their language is banned and any call for improved cultural or political rights is regarded as a red line. While their participation in current demonstrations has not received much recognition, no one can deny that they have been on the ground since the beginning of protests one year ago.
Despite Kurdish involvement, there is a fear among Kurds that the Sunni Arab majority has blocked the way for any serious Kurdish involvement in the form of political representation. The Syrian National Council (SNC) has never attempted to approach the Kurds, Rather than considering Kurdish demands as a legitimate nationality issue, the SNC views Kurdish plans suspiciously. The Kurds have made clear their preconditions for a post-Assad era: decentralization, secularism, and a constitutional recognition of the Kurds as a people living in Syria’s historic land. Once these conditions are accepted and ensured, the Kurds would undoubtedly thrust their weight into the street.
Not dissimilar to the Kurds, Christians occupy a significant percentage among Syria’s inhabitants. Christians were pioneers of the Syrian Renaissance, particularly after the Ottoman Era and preceding Baath rule. Many instances can be cited here of scholars who made a lasting impact by changing the political and social face of Syria, such as the influence of Faris Khouri and Francis Marash.
Since the Baath party came to power in 1963, Syrian Christians have been accused of a “blind obedience” to governments; particularly during the era of Hafez al-Assad and his sons. In fact, Christians enjoyed—and continue to enjoy—a margin of freedom within their communities. They are, to some degree, free to practice their religious rituals, and Armenians are permitted to teach their language in private schools. Though many accuse the Syrian regime of using the Christian minority to demonstrate its religious tolerance to the West, the Christian population has not been in full conformity with the regime. Assyrians have in fact suffered discrimination.
According to some Christian dissidents, a number of Christian communities were threatened by Syrian security forces with destruction if they took part in the current uprising. The regime in Damascus has always shown an iron fist in dealing with such issues. With the brutal killings we are witnessing every day, such threats are no longer a surprise.
The church is another factor in preventing Christians from getting involved with their fellow countrymen. Again, the regime is portrayed by the church as the only protection for Christians in the face of the “Islamist threat.” This claim, however, discredits what is truly happening on the ground. Despite these warnings from the church and within the community, some Christian neighborhoods in Damascus and Homs have shown full support of the revolution and have joined in protests.
Lastly, the Alawite minority, Bashar al-Assad’s own denomination, must be addressed. It is vital to embrace the Alawites and refute the rumors being circulated concerning their involvement on either side of the protests. Once the Sunni majority approaches them with a more moderate discourse, assuring them that they will not be eliminated or marginalized if Assad is toppled, they will certainly support the popular movement.
While U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have occasionally mentioned the importance of Syria’s minorities, the West must further emphasize the importance of full minority rights in the post-Assad era. The United States should take up the initiative in establishing a bridge between these minorities themselves, as well as between the minorities and the majority.
Assad will not be able to achieve his plan of fabricating an internal strife. An all-inclusive national entity invalidates the Syrian regime’s endless conspiracies. Only a real democracy can grant stability to Syrian minorities, and U.S. decision-makers must seriously take into account that satisfying minority groups within Syria will help bring stability to the whole restive Middle East.
Sirwan Kajjo is a freelance journalist and human rights activist based in Washington, DC. He moved from his home in Syria after being granted asylum in 2008.
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