Tuesday, May 10, 2011

Confucius In A Business Suit

from FPRI:

CONFUCIUS IN A BUSINESS SUIT:




Chinese Civilizational Norms in the Twenty-first Century



by Evelyn S. Rawski



Chinese attitudes towards their traditional civilization

have reflected the shifting political agendas of the

twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In the early twentieth

century, some intellectuals identified Confucianism as a

major barrier to the creation of individuals who could

participate in building modernity. In the words of the short

story writer Lu Xun, filial piety and other Confucian values

had imprisoned individuals, forcing them to sacrifice their

own dreams to perpetuate the family.[1] It, along with

Buddhism and Daoism, had to be destroyed so that a new

society could arise in China.



Iconoclasm, a characteristic of the New Culture movement of

the 1910s and 1920s, appealed to Mao Zedong, then a young

student. Although he displayed some ambivalence about

China's historical civilizational achievements after

establishing the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949,

he generally expressed the view that Confucianism had been a

negative force in Chinese history.[2] The educated elite who

wrote the canonical works of Confucianism came from the "bad

classes," so how could their creative products be

praiseworthy? The regime's hostility to Confucianism was

exemplified in the "Pi Lin, Pi Kong" (Anti-Lin Biao, Anti-

Confucius) campaign of 1973-74, which ironically may have

exposed Chinese youth for the first time to the Analects,

which purport to be a record of Confucius' conversations

with his disciples. Articles appearing in the press during

the mass campaign presented Confucius as "a representative

of the declining slave-owning aristocracy who hated the

emerging feudal landlords and their supporters, the legalist

philosophers." In other words, Confucius was not even

feudal, he was pre-feudal and attempted to block the

historical dialectical movement from aristocracy to feudal

order.[3] In contrast, the first emperor and unifier of

China (221 B.C.), Qin Shihuang, who had traditionally been

characterized as a villain by Confucian historiography, was

hailed as a hero for burning books, in order to break the

dominant aristocracy to usher in a new historical era.



The attack on Confucianism, along with Buddhism and Daoism,

however, aroused other intellectuals to passionate defense

of these civilizational products. Contact with European

philosophic models prompted other intellectuals to defend

Confucian thought against iconoclastic attack and found a

school of "New Confucianism." Those defending Confucianism

as a philosophical system capable of holding its own with

any complex philosophy created in Europe have in the process

imported European ideas into their writings.[4] Through the

teacher-disciple links forged in the early twentieth

century, New Confucianism survived the political turmoil of

China's twentieth century in U.S. academic institutions and

elsewhere, and re-emerged in the 1980s as a significant

intellectual discourse.[5] Similarly, Buddhist leaders

strove to enunciate the ways in which their religion spoke

to the new dilemmas facing Chinese people in the twentieth

century. During the socialist years, Buddhist institutions

in China were damaged; forcing monks to return to lay life

virtually destroyed the monastic institution, but not

completely.[6] Daoism, itself identified as "feudal

superstition," has also survived into the twenty-first

century.[7]



As we begin the second decade of the twenty-first century,

almost 35 years after Mao's death, we find a complete

reversal of judgment concerning Confucius and the doctrine

bearing his name. The recent appearance of a bronze statue

of Confucius, which now stands on the east side of

Tian'anmen square, at the heart of China's capital, Beijing,

in close proximity of Mao Zedong's mausoleum, culminates a

political reorientation that uses Confucianism as a cultural

symbol to be projected abroad, one that seems to be less

threatening to the capitalist countries with which China

deals on an increasingly intimate basis.[8] Some analysts of

contemporary politics explain the regime's Confucian

patronage as China's emulation of U.S. and European "soft

power" policies. The PRC's equivalent of the Goethe

Institutes are the Confucius Institutes, first founded in

2004, which now offer Chinese language instruction and

Chinese culture courses in 88 countries and regions all over

the world. According to an article in Beijing Review, there

were 282 Confucius Institutes by late 2009.[9]



But the new interest in Confucianism is not merely directed

towards a foreign audience, nor is it confined to the PRC.

"Confucianism" (Ruxue) is a term that has been used at

different times to refer to "a form of culture, an ideology,

a system of learning, and a tradition of morally normative

values."[10] Some argue that the revived interest in

Confucianism was actually sparked by Western interest in

Confucianism as a significant component of East Asian

capitalism.[11] Another important stimulus to the

transnational intellectual discourse, involving academic

participants in the PRC, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and

other parts of the world, was the Singapore government's

1982 decision to insert Confucian ethics into the secondary

school curriculum, with the advice of eight Confucian

specialists from abroad.[12] The idea of a Confucian-style

capitalism voiced by Harvard University Professor Du Weiming

attracted widespread attention and spurred other events: an

international conference on Neo-Confucianism in Hangzhou

(1980), 1982 round-table discussions in Taipei and a Zhu Xi

conference in Hawaii attended by leading scholars from the

PRC and abroad; and Harvard Professor Du Weiming's lectures

and appearances in China in the late 1970s and early

1980s.[13] Among a small circle of intellectuals,

Confucianism was not just a product of China's traditional

civilization, but should be transformed within the

contemporary context, modernized to serve as the foundation

of China's modern culture. Whether that goal was possible,

and just how it could be achieved, were matters of

debate.[14]



Not only have foreign scholars paid serious attention to the

Confucian revival, Confucianism, albeit in a much more

generalized form, has also been embraced by the Chinese

leadership since the 1980s. In the PRC, the China Confucius

Foundation was founded in 1984, and an International

Confucian Association in 1994.[15] In the seventh national

five-year plan for the social sciences (1986-90), the

government approved a large research project on Modern New

Confucian Intellectual Movement directed by a professor at

Nankai University, Fang Keli; Fang received renewed funding

for this project in the eighth five-year plan.[16] Hundreds

of books on Confucian thinkers were published in the 1990s,

and journals dedicated to Confucian subjects appeared.

Centers of Zhu Xi studies were established in Jiangxi and

Fujian (where the great Neo-Confucian philosopher lived and

worked) in the 1990s; in 2002 People's University

established an Institute for Confucian Research (Kongzi

yanjiuyuan).[17] "Almost all" of Zhu Xi's individual works

are available in modern collated and punctuated editions in

China today, with a new modern edition of Zhu's collected

writings being published in 2002-03.[18] Centers of Zhu Xi

studies in Fujian and Jiangxi provinces have held

international scholarly conferences on the philosopher in

1987, 1990, 1995, and 2000, with publications of some of the

conference proceedings. Zhuzi xuekan, a journal edited by

the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Shangro

(Jiangxi) Normal College, also disseminate new writing on

Zhu Xi.[19]



Confucianism, along with Daoism and Buddhism, has become

part of National Studies (guoxue) at some major Chinese

universities. Allusions to traditional ideals appear in

speeches of Chinese leaders like President Hu Jintao.



The contemporary explosion of interest in Confucianism

appears in many different guises and is directed to

different audiences. Yu Dan, a professor of media studies at

Beijing Normal University, became a national sensation after

she appeared in 2006 on CCTV to explain the Confucian

Analects and its applicability to the daily life of ordinary

people. The book that she published on this subject was a

major bestseller, even though some Confucian specialists

attacked her "vulgarization" of the original text.[20] In a

similar vein, Beijing University since 2003 has offered

intensive "National Study Classes" (guoxueban) for

businessmen which offer them guidance in reading classical

Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist texts; Tsinghua, another

prestigious university in Beijing and People's University

have also followed in Beida's footsteps.[21] Oral

recitation/ memorization of the Four Books (The Great

Learning, Analects, Doctrine of the Mean, Mencius), a major

part of the traditional Confucian curriculum, seem to be

returning to favor in the "children read the classics" (shao

er dujing) movement.[22]



Confucianism is cited by Chinese leaders visiting foreign

countries as evidence of China's great civilizational

traditions. A speech in Athens, Greece on October 3, 2010,

Premier Wen Jiabao observed that "both the Chinese

civilization and the Greek civilization have made major

contributions to the progress of world civilization."

Greece, like China, would surely stand the test of its

current fiscal and economic crisis. Wen looked forward to

improving the trade, maritime, and investment relations

between the two countries.[23] Confucianism is especially

valuable in promoting amicable relations with China's East

Asian neighbors. When Fukuda Yasuo, Prime Minister of Japan,

met Professor Yu Dan of Beijing Normal University, they

chatted about Confucius' Analects, which the prime minister

said he had read in middle school.[24] Nor should Europeans

be left out of the dissemination of Confucian texts: one

translator of the Analects into English, Lin Wusun, said

that he compared "the thoughts, experiences and influences

of Confucius with those of Socrates and Jesus," extracting

"useful quotes" from Confucius for those "who want to engage

in further study."[25] Jiang Damin, governor of Shandong

province, announced in 2008 that he hoped to build a

"Chinese cultural symbolic city" in Confucius' native place,

Qufu.[26]



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Notes



[1] See "Diary of a Madman," written in 1918; an English

translation is found in Lu Xun, Diary of a Madman and Other

Stories, trans. William A. Lyell (Honolulu: University of

Hawai'i Press, 1990).



[2] The positive aspect of Confucius which Mao also espoused

was his identification as teacher; see Kam Louie, "Sage,

Teacher, Businessman: Confucius as a Model Male," in Chinese

Political Culture, 1989-2000, ed. Shiping Hua (Armonk, N.Y.:

M. E. Sharpe, 2001), pp. 29-30.



[3] Quote from Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern

China (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1990), p .635; see

p. 636-37 for a description of the movement.



[4] For a survey of the twentieth-century evolution, see

John Makeham, "The Retrospective Creation of New

Confucianism," in New Confucianism: A Critical Examination,

ed. John Makeham (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, pp.

25-53. For a very different reading of the Confucian



movement, see Arif Dirlik, "Confucius in the Borderlands:

Global Capitalism and the Reinvention of Confucianism,"

Boundary 2 22.3 (1995): pp. 229-73.



[5] For a critical appraisal of some aspects of the

intellectual revival, see Benjamin Elman, "Rethinking

'Confucianism' and 'Neo-Confucianism' in Modern Chinese

History," in Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in

China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, ed. Benjamin A. Elman,

John B. Duncan, and Herman Ooms (Los Angeles: University of

California Asia Institute, 2002), pp. 518-54.



[6] Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern

China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005); Raoul

Birnbaum, "Buddhist China at the Century's Turn," China

Quarterly #174 (2003): pp. 428-50.



[7] Chi-Tim Lai, "Daoism in China Today, 1980-2002," The

China Quarterly #174 (2003): pp. 413-27.



[8] "China's Confucius Institutes: Rectification of

Statues," The Economist, January xx, 2011.



[9] Ni Yanshuo, "Confucius Around the World," Beijing Review

(March 6, 2008); "Zhang Zhiping, "Spreading the Word

Overseas," ibid. (July 29, 2010), both online at

BeijingReview.com.cn. See the Confucius Institute site:

http://www.confuciusinstitute.net/.



[10] John Makeham, Lost Soul: 'Confucianism' in Contemporary

Chinese Academic Discourse (Cambridge: Harvard University

Asia Center, 2008), "Introduction,"pp. 1-2; also his "The

Retrospective Creation of New Confucianism," in New

Confucianism: A Critical Examination, ed. John Makeham (New

York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 25-53.



[11] Arif Dirlik traces the interest in Confucianism to

Herman Kahn and Peter Berger's writings about the dynamic

potential of the East Asian economies in the late 1970s: see

his "Confucius in the Borderlands: Global Capitalism and the

Reinvention of Confucianism," boundary 2, 22.3(1995): pp.

243-45.



[12] Dirlik, ibid., pp. 238-39; Makeham, Lost Soul, ch. 1.

For a perspective on the cultural milieu in the PRC during

the 1980s, see Song Xianlin, "Reconstructing the Confucian

Ideal in 1980s China: The 'Culture Craze' and New

Confucianism," in New Confucianism: A Critical Examination,

ed. John Makeham (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp.

81-104.



[13] Makeham, "Retrospective Creation," pp. 33-34.

[14] See Makeham, Lost Soul, ch. 11, "Marxism and Ruxue" and

ch. 12, "Jiang Qing's Ruxue Revivalism," which includes

discuses the differences between Fang Keli on the one hand

and Luo Yijun and Jiang Qing on the other.



[15] Makeham, Lost Soul, ch. 2, 3.



[16] S‚bastian Billioud, "Confucianism, 'Cultural

Tradition,' and Official Discourse in China at the Start of

the New Century," China Perspectives #3 (2007), p. 52. Fang

Keli was later appointed Dean of Graduate Studies at the

Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and became a member of

the Office of Academic Degrees Committee of the State

Council: Jiawen Ai, "Two Sides of One Coin: The Party's

attitude toward Confucianism in Contemporary China," Journal

of Contemporary China 18.61 (2009), p. 694.



[17] S‚bastian Billioud and Jo‰l Thoraval, "Jiaohua: The

Confucian Revival in China as an Educative Project," China

Perspectives #4 (2007)p. 4.



[18] Xudong Fang, "Contemporary Chinese Studies of Zhuzi in

Mainland China," Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy

3.1 (2003): 121-22; Fang notes that an earlier ten-volume

edition, published in 1996, was not collated and punctuated.



[19] Ibid., pp. 133-34.



[20] Billioud and Thoraval, "Jiaohua," pp. 18-19. See also

Daniel A. Bell, China's New Confucianism: Politics and

Everyday Life in a Changing Society (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 2008), Appendix 1, pp. 163-74, which

assesses Yu Dan's book, Reflections on the Analects of

Confucius. Bell notes that ten million copies of this book

were sold.



[21] Ibid., pp. 9-10.



[22] Ibid., pp. 15-17.



[23] "Confidence and Cooperation Will See Us Through

Difficulty: Speech at the Hellenic Parliament by Wen Jiabao,

Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of

China, in Athens, October 3, 2010," Beijing Review (December

2, 2010), BeijingReview.com.cn.



[24] "Japanese Prime Minister Fukuda Met Yu Dan," Beijing

Review (February 18, 2008), BeijingReview.com.cn. Yu Dan

presented a copy of her book, Yu Dan Explains the Analects

of Confucius, in both a Chinese and Japanese edition, to the

prime minister.



[25] "Modern Take on a Master," Beijing Review November 18,

2010, BeijingReview.com.cn.

[26] Reported in the "Society" section, Beijing Review March

13, 2008, BeijingReview.com.cn.



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(http://www.fpri.org/).

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