From FPRI:
THE MOROCCAN SPRING
by Ahmed Charai
June 20, 2011
Ahmed Charai is Publisher of the Moroccan weekly magazine
L'Observateur as well as the French edition of Foreign
Policy magazine. He sits on the Board of Trustees of the
Foreign Policy Research Institute and the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC.
Available on the web and in pdf format at:
http://www.fpri.org/enotes/201106.charai.morocco.html
----------------------------------------------------------
A History Institute for Secondary School Teachers
TEACHING THE MIDDLE EAST:
BETWEEN AUTHORITARIANISM AND REFORM
October 15-16, 2011
Philadelphia, PA
The turmoil that began in Tunisia in December 2010 has
spread throughout the region. The big question is whether
the Arab Spring will pave the way for a transition to
democratic regimes or to a different form of dictatorship.
At this historic moment in the Middle East, the Foreign
Policy Research Institute’s Wachman Center will bring
together leading academic experts in relevant
fields—including Middle East specialists from the fields of
history, cultural studies, economics, political science and
international relations—to place these events in historical
perspective, enabling secondary school teachers to help
their students connect the headlines of the day with an
understanding of the region’s history.
For compkete information and updates see:
http://www.fpri.org/education/1110middleeast/
Or contact
Alan Luxenberg
Tel: (215) 732-3774 x105
Email: lux@fpri.org
----------------------------------------------------------
THE MOROCCAN SPRING
by Ahmed Charai
CASABLANCA--Across the Arab world, we see mass
demonstrations, armed revolts or messy, uncertain
transitions to democracy -- except in Morocco. That North
African Arab country was thunderstruck when its king, in a
June 17 speech, calmly called for a new constitution that
transfers almost all power from the monarch to an elected
prime minister. The people will vote on a referendum in July
on a new constitution.
The king proposed to combine an elected parliament with
broad powers with a monarchy limited by a new constitution,
much like that of the European democracy. Just as in Western
European nations, the prime minister will be elected by
whichever party wins the most votes. The prime minister will
appoint and dismiss all cabinet ministers and regional
government officials, including the governors. Since
Morocco's independence in 1956, these powers were reserved
to the king.
The parliament, which had a more limited grant of powers
from the king when it was created in 1997, will now have
the same powers as the assemblies of the world's great
democracies. Parliament can write laws, levy taxes, convene
hearings, establish a budget and hold bureaucrats
accountable. If bicameralism is maintained, the second
chamber, a kind of senate that is elected indirectly, will
not have the power to dissolve the government.
While many observers expected the king to announce a new
power-sharing relationship with the parliament, few expected
him to go this far, this fast to full democracy. The new
constitution moves far beyond striking a new balance of
power-it makes Morocco a wholly modern state.
The new constitution also establishes the primacy of
international conventions and U.N. treaties, and, thus the
necessity of adapting Moroccan laws to them. This is a huge
step forward, especially for the rights of women. For too
long, the full recognition of women's equality has been
mired in religious objections. Now that will change.
The king also called for a fully independent judiciary to
combat corruption and safeguard human rights.
The proposed constitutional changes are the latest in a long
line of pro-democracy developments. Morocco has a history of
political pluralism. The kingdom has 12 major and regional
political parties, an independent and free press, and human
rights protections.
Morocco also has a record of respecting elections. The March
1998 election brought to power a coalition of center-left
parties, known as the Socialist Union of Popular Forces-the
first time an opposition party took power after an election
in the Arab world. As for past abuses of human rights, the
government acknowledged those wrongs and initiated a process
called reconciliation in 2002. Victims are being compensated
and wrong-doers punished.
These reforms were hailed in their time, but ten years
later, other more ambitious demands are being heard. When
the 2007 elections were marked by a record low turnout (37
percent), the king and the government realized that more
needed to be done. The Socialist Union of Popular Forces,
once again in opposition, called for a constitutional
monarchy at its 2008 party convention. Calls for democratic
reform accelerated in 2011 following the largely peaceful
demonstrations, known as the movement of February 20.
Unlike in other Arab countries, protesters did not call for
the fall of the monarchy, but simply for the end of
absolutism and corruption. The protests were continuous,
almost weekly, and largely peaceful. The police did not
intervene. Instead, the demonstrators hoped to exert a calm,
steady pressure-much like Martin Luther King's nonviolent
protests in 1960s America.
Only under the leadership of Al Adl Wal Ihssane, a radical
Islamic group, did the protests become violent and the
police swarm in. One protester died. The reaction of the
king was telling. He immediately ordered the National
Brigade of the Judicial Police, the governing body of the
national police, to investigate police brutality.
Most political parties support the king's proposed
constitutional changes, but two forces seemed to be
gathering strength in the public protests: the Islamists of
Al Adl Wal Ihssane and the Maoists of Annahj. The former are
in principle banned but tolerated, the latter are a legal
party. Both essentially oppose the existence of the
monarchy.
The Islamists hope to reestablish the seventh century
caliphate and aim to use democracy to achieve their ends. In
the long-term, however, a multi-party democracy will not
exist in their Islamic caliphate. Their literature speaks
of denying the power of the parliament to make law,
replacing it with a judiciary that rules through unchanging
Sharia law. Meanwhile, the Maoists want an anti-capitalist
revolution.
These two movements are a distinct but vocal minority,
although Al Adl WalI hssane has a vast membership and a
disciplined hierarchy.
The king, by heeding the demands for democratic reform by
the February 20 movement, has created a channel to direct
the energies of the demonstrators away from extremism.
Referenda can be more powerful than police batons.
Thanks to Morocco's unique history, the king's gambit may
well succeed. In Egypt and Tunisia, which had small,
fractured and repressed political classes, the only thing
that demonstrators agreed on was the departure of their
ruler. By contrast, Morocco has a vast and vibrant political
class to debate and shape the future of the country.
Violence is the last refuge of the voiceless; in Morocco,
people are free to gather, publish dissenting views and call
radio programs or use online social media to express
themselves. So violence is unnecessary and rare.
Nearly every one will have a say in the debate over the
constitutional referendum planned for July and offer
counter-proposals for new political institutions. But the
debate will be had with strong opinions, not Molotov
cocktails.
The Moroccan experience stands as a model for the rest of
Arab world, with peaceful yet dramatic political change
coming from the top and bottom of society simultaneously. It
took almost 15 years of steady reforms and the enlargement
of civil society to get to this turning point. This embrace
of full-bodied democracy is the hard-won return on a long-
term investment. Other Arab leaders would feel safer if
they made similar, patient investments. It is not too late
to start.
----------------------------------------------------------
Copyright Foreign Policy Research Institute
(http://www.fpri.org/).
THE MOROCCAN SPRING
by Ahmed Charai
June 20, 2011
Ahmed Charai is Publisher of the Moroccan weekly magazine
L'Observateur as well as the French edition of Foreign
Policy magazine. He sits on the Board of Trustees of the
Foreign Policy Research Institute and the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC.
Available on the web and in pdf format at:
http://www.fpri.org/enotes/201106.charai.morocco.html
----------------------------------------------------------
A History Institute for Secondary School Teachers
TEACHING THE MIDDLE EAST:
BETWEEN AUTHORITARIANISM AND REFORM
October 15-16, 2011
Philadelphia, PA
The turmoil that began in Tunisia in December 2010 has
spread throughout the region. The big question is whether
the Arab Spring will pave the way for a transition to
democratic regimes or to a different form of dictatorship.
At this historic moment in the Middle East, the Foreign
Policy Research Institute’s Wachman Center will bring
together leading academic experts in relevant
fields—including Middle East specialists from the fields of
history, cultural studies, economics, political science and
international relations—to place these events in historical
perspective, enabling secondary school teachers to help
their students connect the headlines of the day with an
understanding of the region’s history.
For compkete information and updates see:
http://www.fpri.org/education/1110middleeast/
Or contact
Alan Luxenberg
Tel: (215) 732-3774 x105
Email: lux@fpri.org
----------------------------------------------------------
THE MOROCCAN SPRING
by Ahmed Charai
CASABLANCA--Across the Arab world, we see mass
demonstrations, armed revolts or messy, uncertain
transitions to democracy -- except in Morocco. That North
African Arab country was thunderstruck when its king, in a
June 17 speech, calmly called for a new constitution that
transfers almost all power from the monarch to an elected
prime minister. The people will vote on a referendum in July
on a new constitution.
The king proposed to combine an elected parliament with
broad powers with a monarchy limited by a new constitution,
much like that of the European democracy. Just as in Western
European nations, the prime minister will be elected by
whichever party wins the most votes. The prime minister will
appoint and dismiss all cabinet ministers and regional
government officials, including the governors. Since
Morocco's independence in 1956, these powers were reserved
to the king.
The parliament, which had a more limited grant of powers
from the king when it was created in 1997, will now have
the same powers as the assemblies of the world's great
democracies. Parliament can write laws, levy taxes, convene
hearings, establish a budget and hold bureaucrats
accountable. If bicameralism is maintained, the second
chamber, a kind of senate that is elected indirectly, will
not have the power to dissolve the government.
While many observers expected the king to announce a new
power-sharing relationship with the parliament, few expected
him to go this far, this fast to full democracy. The new
constitution moves far beyond striking a new balance of
power-it makes Morocco a wholly modern state.
The new constitution also establishes the primacy of
international conventions and U.N. treaties, and, thus the
necessity of adapting Moroccan laws to them. This is a huge
step forward, especially for the rights of women. For too
long, the full recognition of women's equality has been
mired in religious objections. Now that will change.
The king also called for a fully independent judiciary to
combat corruption and safeguard human rights.
The proposed constitutional changes are the latest in a long
line of pro-democracy developments. Morocco has a history of
political pluralism. The kingdom has 12 major and regional
political parties, an independent and free press, and human
rights protections.
Morocco also has a record of respecting elections. The March
1998 election brought to power a coalition of center-left
parties, known as the Socialist Union of Popular Forces-the
first time an opposition party took power after an election
in the Arab world. As for past abuses of human rights, the
government acknowledged those wrongs and initiated a process
called reconciliation in 2002. Victims are being compensated
and wrong-doers punished.
These reforms were hailed in their time, but ten years
later, other more ambitious demands are being heard. When
the 2007 elections were marked by a record low turnout (37
percent), the king and the government realized that more
needed to be done. The Socialist Union of Popular Forces,
once again in opposition, called for a constitutional
monarchy at its 2008 party convention. Calls for democratic
reform accelerated in 2011 following the largely peaceful
demonstrations, known as the movement of February 20.
Unlike in other Arab countries, protesters did not call for
the fall of the monarchy, but simply for the end of
absolutism and corruption. The protests were continuous,
almost weekly, and largely peaceful. The police did not
intervene. Instead, the demonstrators hoped to exert a calm,
steady pressure-much like Martin Luther King's nonviolent
protests in 1960s America.
Only under the leadership of Al Adl Wal Ihssane, a radical
Islamic group, did the protests become violent and the
police swarm in. One protester died. The reaction of the
king was telling. He immediately ordered the National
Brigade of the Judicial Police, the governing body of the
national police, to investigate police brutality.
Most political parties support the king's proposed
constitutional changes, but two forces seemed to be
gathering strength in the public protests: the Islamists of
Al Adl Wal Ihssane and the Maoists of Annahj. The former are
in principle banned but tolerated, the latter are a legal
party. Both essentially oppose the existence of the
monarchy.
The Islamists hope to reestablish the seventh century
caliphate and aim to use democracy to achieve their ends. In
the long-term, however, a multi-party democracy will not
exist in their Islamic caliphate. Their literature speaks
of denying the power of the parliament to make law,
replacing it with a judiciary that rules through unchanging
Sharia law. Meanwhile, the Maoists want an anti-capitalist
revolution.
These two movements are a distinct but vocal minority,
although Al Adl WalI hssane has a vast membership and a
disciplined hierarchy.
The king, by heeding the demands for democratic reform by
the February 20 movement, has created a channel to direct
the energies of the demonstrators away from extremism.
Referenda can be more powerful than police batons.
Thanks to Morocco's unique history, the king's gambit may
well succeed. In Egypt and Tunisia, which had small,
fractured and repressed political classes, the only thing
that demonstrators agreed on was the departure of their
ruler. By contrast, Morocco has a vast and vibrant political
class to debate and shape the future of the country.
Violence is the last refuge of the voiceless; in Morocco,
people are free to gather, publish dissenting views and call
radio programs or use online social media to express
themselves. So violence is unnecessary and rare.
Nearly every one will have a say in the debate over the
constitutional referendum planned for July and offer
counter-proposals for new political institutions. But the
debate will be had with strong opinions, not Molotov
cocktails.
The Moroccan experience stands as a model for the rest of
Arab world, with peaceful yet dramatic political change
coming from the top and bottom of society simultaneously. It
took almost 15 years of steady reforms and the enlargement
of civil society to get to this turning point. This embrace
of full-bodied democracy is the hard-won return on a long-
term investment. Other Arab leaders would feel safer if
they made similar, patient investments. It is not too late
to start.
----------------------------------------------------------
Copyright Foreign Policy Research Institute
(http://www.fpri.org/).
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